Prime Minister Donald Tusk's exposé:

Mr Speaker, honourable Members, honoured guests. Sixteen years ago I had the honour of delivering my first exposé as Prime Minister of the Government of the Republic of Poland. I remembered one thing — a lesson, and I learnt it. At the time, I wanted to talk about everything. I was a first-time Prime Minister and I spoke for over three hours. I received a phone call from home with the following warning: you spoke for 3 hours at that time, and the only thing that the Poles remembered was that you spoke for 3 hours. Therefore, please allow me to focus on the most serious matters today.

I am convinced that this solemn moment, for such is this day, requires a serious narrative. A very brutal and spectacular election campaign is behind us. Polish politics has for a few good years now lacked the seriousness appropriate for public debate, despite the external and internal circumstances, the tragedies that have afflicted both our nation and the whole world in these years — the pandemic, the war, the migrant crisis — and yet, it has been difficult for us, and I mean all of us, to bring out the tone of seriousness and the kind of full responsibility that rests on all of us in these trying times.

Yesterday, I had the opportunity — and I thank you for your understanding — to thank my loved ones. But today, I would like to begin my speech by thanking all those who, over these years, have not doubted that Poland can be better, that Poland can be — because it deserves to be — the best place on Earth. I would like to thank Poland. I am very proud of my country, of the Polish people. And also of the fact that, as has already happened in our history, we were able to mobilise extraordinarily at a crucial moment — all of us. To bring about the breakthrough that some thought impossible. And thanks to you, this pivotal moment became, in a sense, a historic one.

I am convinced that 15 October will become a symbolic day in Poland. The tragic ones — indeed, we commemorated the victims of one of those tragic moments in our history just a moment ago — and the beautiful ones. I believe that 15 October will go down in history as a day of peaceful rebellion, a rebellion for freedom and democracy, and not the first of its kind. It is somewhat like 31 August 1989 or 4 June, when we regained our independence, our freedom, following Solidarity’s victory.

The voters have voted for a new government coalition, which we will, if you allow us, call the 15 October coalition from now on — though in fact we have already been calling it that since yesterday. What happened on that day, however, was much more serious than a change of government, than a change of government coalition. 15 October was the culmination of a process of civic and national revival in which we participated, and which some witnessed and some opposed. Allow me not to speak much of the latter today.

After all, we want to build our future on our hopes, on our dreams and expectations, which have proved stronger than doubt and apathy. And, above all, stronger than the evil that has spread through Polish public life in recent years. I have great personal satisfaction that, in a small way, I helped in this awakening, by calling a spade a spade. Because this 15 October movement was born precisely from speaking the truth bluntly and without falsification. This movement was born long before I returned to Polish politics, thanks to all those who raised their voices — sometimes their cries — from the first days of the outgoing government’s term.

I pay tribute to all those Poles — from the bottom of my heart. I am convinced that today is the consequence of the fact that some of you dared to take to the streets. Some of you dared to stand alone somewhere in a small town, in front of a courthouse, at a time when everyone seemed to feel that something bad was happening to our homeland, but not everyone found the determination or courage to call it out. On that very day, the first march of the Committee for the Defence of Democracy took place. I would like to thank all those who gave testimony to their courage and their genuine, absolutely selfless love of their homeland and their respect for the state and the law, both in the Committee for the Defence of Democracy and in other social movements, in numerous organisations, sometimes with just a few members.

Let me now read something that could, in a sense, replace this exposé of mine today. I would not change much in this text, which may have already escaped our attention, our memory. And I am very keen for us to remember this man and the words he wrote before he passed away. It was a manifesto. I will read it in its entirety precisely because I am convinced that most of you here in the Polish Sejm, like most Polish men and women, could probably subscribe to it. It was written by a man who was completely alone that day.

"I protest against the curtailment of civil liberties by the authorities.

I protest against the violation of democratic principles by those in power, in particular the destruction (in practice) of the Constitutional Court and the destruction of the system of independent courts.

I protest against the violation of the law by the authorities, in particular the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. I protest against the fact that those who are responsible for this should take any steps towards changing the current constitution — first, they ought to respect the one that is currently in force.

I protest against an exercise of power that allows those in the highest state offices to carry out orders issued by an unspecified decision-making centre without being held accountable for their decisions.

I protest against work in the Sejm that sees laws drafted in haste, without discussion or proper consultation, often overnight, and then amended almost immediately.

I protest against the marginalisation of Poland's role on the international stage and the ridicule of our country.

I protest against the destruction of nature, especially by those who are supposed to protect it and other areas of natural value.

I protest against the division of society and its reinforcement and deepening. In particular, I protest against the establishment of the “Smolensk religion” and dividing people in this respect. I protest against hate sessions and the language of hatred and xenophobia introduced by the authorities into the public debate.

I protest against them filling all the vacancies that can be filled with their own people, most of whom lack the necessary qualifications.

I protest against the undermining of the achievements, mud-slinging and destruction of the authority of such people as Lech Wałęsa and former presidents of the Constitutional Court.

I protest against the excessive centralisation of the state and changes to the law on local governments and NGOs according to the immediate political needs of the ruling party.

I protest against the hostile attitude of the authorities towards immigrants and discrimination against minority groups: women, homosexuals, Muslims and others.

I protest against the total incapacitation of public television and almost all radio stations, and making them propaganda mouthpieces of the authorities.

I protest against their using the secret service, the police and the prosecutor's office for partisan or private ends.

I protest against the ill-conceived, unconsulted and unprepared education reform.

I protest against ignoring the enormous needs of the health service."

That was 15 protests. While this is no beautiful, literary text, the one who wrote it 6 years ago was someone who precisely named the fears, the anxieties and the anger that was brewing in Polish hearts. Even though those who spoke out about it had the right to feel alone at the time. This man concluded this list of protests as follows: “Above all, I call on those who support Law and Justice to wake up. Even if you like the demands of the Law and Justice party, consider that not every way of implementing them is acceptable. Implement your ideas within the framework of a democratic rule of law, not in the way they are being implemented now. For those who do not support Law and Justice because they are indifferent to politics or have other preferences, I urge you to act. It is not enough to wait for what time will bring. It is not enough to express dissatisfaction among friends. Action is needed, and there are many forms and opportunities. I ask you, however, to remember that Law and Justice voters are also our mothers, brothers, neighbours, friends and colleagues. It is not about waging war on them. Perhaps that is what Law and Justice would like to do. Nor is it about converting them, because that is naïve, but about their implementing their views in accordance with the law and democratic principles. I, an ordinary man like you, call on you all: do not wait any longer.” Piotr Szczęsny, an ordinary man, self-immolated in the autumn of 2017.

I would like to say that I am truly moved to read these words and also a little moved to hear the cries of discontent, because it is not so easy to say words characterised by respect and, in a sense, by love for those who have different views, on a day when one decides to protest in such a tragic form. Here in this House, some MPs have also experienced tragedy. I do not want this day to be marked by dramatic, tragic and sad memories, but I cannot fail to remember my friend, the Mayor of my city, Paweł Adamowicz. I cannot and do not want to erase from my memory that symbolic moment when he called for solidarity. That moment when he spoke of Gdańsk as a fair, generous city. And it was on a day when, for many years, Poles have joined together in genuine solidarity for the weak, for the ill. I want us all to remember, without exception, the victims of violence, contempt, hatred and conflict, so that the day of 15 October — or perhaps that on which you give a vote of confidence to the new Council of Ministers — will be the beginning of a revival. A rebirth, too, of that spirit of genuine solidarity and respect for the rights of a community in which people differ. After all, we had, still have, and will continue to have different views on many issues. But we want to be a community. And this is what the work of the new government will primarily be aimed at. What is this community supposed to be about? Why do we have such a problem today in saying that we are a community? Why have these years been characterised by increasingly heated political conflict and emotions — not just in this House, because here it is something natural. That is why we gather here in the Polish Sejm, in the Polish Senate, to argue. But it is the essence of democracy, the essence of a state where free citizens live, to argue, to fight this war upstairs, here in the Sejm, in parliament. And to protect our own nation, our own families, Polish men and women, from such a constant political war down there, among ordinary people, in our homes. These are not empty words. We all suffer from this, without exception.

I'm going to ask you all to think about these republican foundations, the framework that makes it possible to build a political community and a national community. We are so different; we have such different views and different roots. We are sometimes attached to different traditions. We believe in God while we seek inspiration to be good elsewhere. After all, this is indeed the richness that is our nation. Everyone is worthy of respect and reverence, everyone is worthy of their rights. What builds a community is the rule of law, it is the constitution, it is the principles of democracy, it is a secure border and a secure territory, these are the things that we should in no way quarrel and argue about. They are something that we must respect without exception. So that we can differ on other matters so that we can differ safely and respectfully.

I remember the words of our Pope when he asked us not to build monuments to him but rather listen to what he was saying. Different people have different opinions of the legacy of John Paul II. I have the best possible memories, including those of my personal meetings. I remember the words he said in Sopot, in my Sopot, which are probably such an obvious motto or should be an obvious motto for all of us, regardless of which side of the room we sit on. These words were about there being no solidarity without love. I know that very often when the word “love” appears in political speeches, in manifestations, it sometimes evokes a smile or sneer. Do you know what? I do not understand it. What is so strange about it? After all, this love is not just about relationships between people. How often do we talk about love for the Homeland? I love my Homeland, Poland, beyond imagination. I cannot fathom politics without love.

That was after regaining independence, but before that, in my Gdańsk, in Zaspa, John Paul II spoke about what solidarity is. And I dedicate these words to all those, and there are still quite many of us here, who co-founded Solidarity. I remember these words — though it seems many did not understand them fully. There was something rebellious in me too; it was a time of struggle. The Pope said that solidarity is never one man against the other, that solidarity is always one with the other. I would like — especially since the date of one of Poland's tragic conflicts has been recalled here — for us to draw profound, authentic and true conclusions from these words. If we want to rebuild the national community, if we want to truly look forward to the rebirth of this Polish community of ours, then we must — we have no choice, there is no alternative — respect the rules we set for all of us, with the Constitution at the forefront, with the law. But we must also understand that the lesson of solidarity is a lesson on how to overcome differences between people. And to build that everyday community which allows us to differ but also to act together and bear responsibility for our homeland together.

What I am talking about here is the special role played by law and the rule of law. There is nothing more important to a modern nation than a set of rights and obligations recognised as common, without exception. Someone might think that these words I am about to read, this one sentence, may well have been uttered by a free courts protester, one of those who protested when the Constitutional Court was dismantled. They are very pertinent as if someone had just said them a year ago. “We will not arrive at freedom by breaking the law, but by obeying it”. This is what Romuald Traugutt said during the January Uprising. Even then, in such circumstances, the leader of the uprising was in no doubt that obeying the law and recognising some rules — ones that cannot be transgressed — as common is the basis of freedom and, consequently, the basis of an authentic community. This is why I am talking about this, because today I have the honour, as the Prime Minister-designate of the Council of Ministers elected yesterday by the Sejm, to coordinate the work of the 15 October coalition at the government level. I want to show you the essence of this phenomenon we are building at the moment — a positive political phenomenon that shows that community is possible. As is respect for common rules, even if people differ.

A coalition of very different parties has been formed, with significantly differing views on many issues, because that is human and that is natural. It refers to itself as the “15 October Coalition”, because we agreed on these foundations, which are, after all, acceptable to you all. We are witnessing a historic moment today, so much so that I do not think anyone can be in any doubt as to what our main task is, and what our main objectives are. We cannot pretend to live in a world that allows endless quarrelling and squabbling. We are living in a place and in a time that demands the rebuilding of a political community, of collective action.

The world is getting dangerous. There is no need to convince you that a nation divided, at odds with a power that builds its position on conflicts, in which different groups consider the rules adopted either in the constitution or in other laws to be invalid, will be many times more exposed to the risks of the conflicts that are battering the world and our region today.

If we remain as divided as we have been in recent years. If we remain divided into these two incompatible halves, it will be as if we were two times fewer in number, as if Poland were two times smaller. You know very well that this challenge before us requires the full concentration of strength and goodwill. This slogan that unity is strength — it is no longer a slogan. It is the first political commandment. And I want to tell you that for my government, for our government, and also for your government, because it will be the government of the Republic of Poland, the crucial thing is to reestablish those foundations which we deem common. On that, I will say a few words, which are hopefully obvious.

First: War at our borders. I do not think I need to convince anyone of the importance of the reliability of our alliances, the importance of a strong Poland respected in the world and Europe, a Poland united in the face of this threat. How important it is to reiterate our common national dogma that Poland is and will be a key, strong, sovereign link in the North Atlantic Alliance, that Poland will be a loyal, stable ally of the United States, confident of its strength and importance, that Poland will regain its position as leader of the European Union, that Poland will build its strength, the position it deserves, and this is no exaggeration — a leading position in the European Union through cooperation and respect for the greater community that is today’s Europe. We are all the stronger for it. We are all the more sovereign, the stronger Poland and the European community are. And I appeal here to everyone to recognise this as one of those foundations which should unite Poles.

It seems to me that, and I probably do not risk too much saying this, one of the reasons for the victory of this new coalition on 15 October was the desire of the Polish people for Poland to return to its rightful place in Europe. We all felt that something was amiss, that something was going wrong, concerned about anyone — and there were many such people among those in power — anyone who undermined Poland's position in the European Union, anyone who started to play this political and geopolitical gamble, anyone who bet on this nightmarish game of isolation, of loneliness, I do not want to use too strong a word today, but after all, someone on this side immediately shouted “high treason”. But you know, there is something to it. I would ask everyone to stop pretending that our friends and allies from the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union are a threat to Poland. That is a really risky game, not to say crazy. Today, we have Russia attacking Ukraine. We all feel that things are far from settled there. I think we all know what would happen if Russia triumphed in this conflict. In this situation, in this context, I think we cannot, no one in this room has the right to pretend that they do not know the stakes, and everyone in this room — indeed, anyone who has finished primary school, a basic history course — must know that an isolated Poland is one at greatest risk. I urge everyone here, without exception, to start working with the new government to put Poland on a firm footing in this community, our community. And to help this government and I to rebuild Poland's position so that Poland will decide what the European Union should look like. We really will do this.

I can reassure you that there will be no manoeuvres, no attempts to play games, no attempts to change the treaties against our interests — that is out of the question. I have observed your efforts, or rather lack thereof, in the European Union and foreign policy as a whole. I want to tell you that no one is outplaying me in the European Union. I want to tell you that the “15 October Coalition” knows full well that Poland has no reason, and Polish politicians should have no reason, to feel inferior towards anyone in Europe. All this tense jostling, insulting everyone around, looking for enemies among friends, weakening and sometimes discrediting ourselves — all this could cost us much, much more than some simple reputational losses in diplomacy. Therefore, I guarantee you that — and so does the coalition, the new government coalition — we will return to the place where Poland deserves to be. This will happen.

In a speech like today's, one must speak loudly, firmly and in unison about Ukraine. Listen, this is also an issue that must bring us together because today we see President Zelensky trying to once again convince the world what is really at stake — that war,  Russia's attack on Ukraine — is an attack on us all. We will, and I am counting here on the cooperation of all political forces, loudly and strongly demand the full mobilisation of the free world, of the Western world to help Ukraine in this war. There is no alternative to this approach. I can no longer listen to some European politicians, from other Western countries, who speak of being tired of the situation in Ukraine. Tired, they say. They tell President Zelenski to his face that they no longer have the strength, that they are exhausted. I want to say that it is Poland's task, the task of the new government and all of us to demand loudly and firmly that the entire Western community be fully determined to help Ukraine in this war. I will do that from day one. I would also like to say that Poland's full commitment to Ukraine in this cruel conflict against the Russian aggressor must not mean a lack of cordial and sympathetic assertiveness when it comes to Polish interests — the interests of Polish entrepreneurs, drivers and farmers. It is not that difficult. To help Ukraine, our ally, brother and friend, engaged in deadly combat. It is not so difficult to be able to see these two issues clearly, that is, full Polish commitment to fighting Ukraine and the fact that Poles do not need to be taught solidarity at such a completely elementary level. We witnessed and participated in this incredible outburst of Polish solidarity when we helped Ukrainian families who had to flee from the war. At the same time, and here, too, I am counting on the cooperation of everyone without exception, we will be very precise, and tough if required, in guarding Polish interests in relations with every neighbour. With every neighbour. With every one of Poland's neighbours who, together with us, want to build further and strengthen the free world based on the values for which Ukraine is fighting today.

Let this also be a kind of memento, because it seems to me that some of you have not yet realised what the war there is really about. It is as if some of you have forgotten that Ukrainians have made this extraordinary effort to integrate Ukraine with the rest of Europe. That this battle started then, on the Maidan, with the aim of Ukraine's accession to the European Union. You know well, you remember well, how our friends in Ukraine said with delight: “Oh, Poland, you have made it”. This is a great lesson for us. They wanted to emulate us in everything, seeing what it means to work skilfully, in solidarity, in such a way as to unite the whole nation in efforts to integrate with the entire free world, with the entire Western world. Today, Ukraine is also bleeding because Ukrainian men and women dream of a Ukraine which would be like other Western countries — governed by the rule of law and democratic. A state where human rights and the rights of minorities are respected — that is their dream. They are shedding blood for it today, and this is also the reason for our involvement. Note that this is the essence of today’s political dilemma, a dangerous trend we are now facing in the world. Virtually all political leaders in Europe and the world who renounce these traditional, republican, European political values, that is democracy, the rule of law, media freedom, freedom of speech, and so on, who attack the foundations of Western political civilisation are, by some strange coincidence, anti-Ukrainian at the same time. What I want to get across to everyone here is what I think the world sees. These enthusiastic reactions to this change of power in Poland, as seen in nearly all Western capitals, also stem from the conviction that only a united West, including a united Europe, around the values I have just mentioned can help Ukraine win this war. Because this war is being fought in the name of precisely these values.

That is why Polish policy will also be very assertive towards those countries, those politicians, who have not only turned their backs on these values but are also putting Ukraine at risk of failure today. I will not mention their names and the names of these countries, because in several hours I will be visiting Brussels, among other places, with the reasonable hope that we will find ways, differently than we have done so far, to persuade our once traditional allies to take an unequivocal stance in favour of freedom, in favour of republican values and in favour of defending Ukraine against Russian aggression.

When I speak of the need for community, it is because we know from our own experience that when terrible things happen, as today in Ukraine, only a community can overcome such challenges. And yet, we face other challenges as well. Migration. You really can respect other people, other religions, other races and, at the same time, be aware of what a great danger this turbulence is for Europe and the whole world — this great danger of uncontrolled migration of peoples caused by conflicts, war, poverty, hunger and climate change. I am going to propose, and this will likely be a visible change in comparison with recent years, that we should be able to distinguish very precisely between tools and methods of action which are due to the national community, which serve to strengthen Poland's national sovereignty, and tools which we must also be able to use for the benefit of the European community and the global community. I would like everyone present in this House to finally understand that the migration crisis and the climate catastrophe cannot be dealt with by a single country. The United States itself cannot handle migration pressure. And that country is somewhat larger than Poland.

I want Poland to be able to take joint responsibility for the protection of European borders and the European territory. There will be no place in my government's programme for visa shopping. There will be no tolerance for sham activities. Poland's eastern border will be tight. The Polish services, the Polish administration, all of us, including here in this House, will take effective care to ensure that the Polish and, necessarily, the European territory, as well as the Polish and European borders, are protected. This can be done effectively and with respect for other people. You can protect the Polish border and be humane at the same time. We will no longer be ashamed of ourselves or of the fact that hundreds of thousands of people are benefiting from a corrupt system organised by the previous ruling party. A stream of people poured into Poland and the European Union in an uncontrolled manner — no one knows who, no one knows when. There will be no more of this and we will investigate every detail of this matter. This is not just about a commission of inquiry either. Indeed, we need the latter very much to examine every aspect of this scandal, not least to avoid a wave of illegal immigration. This is our responsibility today. Poland is supposed to be safe. And we will achieve this ideal of a safe country. Poland can be the safest place on Earth. This is not fiction; it really can be the safest place on Earth. We just need to and we will meet a few conditions. So as I said, Poland will not be alone. Poland will be a leader and part of the European community. It will cooperate extremely intensively with all allies. And it will guard its borders. And no one in Poland will set up a visa trade with anyone in the world.

Now, onto the programme of the future government, if we receive a vote of confidence from this House. You say “at last”. But you already know it. This programme was written by the Polish people. It was written by the Poles with whom we have met over the last two years. It is a painfully concrete programme. I would like to say to you that, and I say this with great satisfaction, this has been done while you have been wasting these two months in a manner that I will quite frankly say is shameless, not only by doing nothing and delaying the transfer of power to those who have gained the trust of the Polish people. You have used these two months to — I do not want to overuse strong words but you have probably also read about what your ministerial colleagues are doing — you have used this time to secure yourselves and your party colleagues financially. The list of what you have done over the years and the last two months is truly impressive. And it will be made public. We, in a few dozen hours, will finally have access to the documentation, information on what the budget looks like, where the money is hidden, and where and why it has disappeared. And we will, in a few dozen hours, provide Poles with precise information about the sources of decisions on the future of energy security, such as the so-called small nuclear power plants.

I have already spoken about this in public, but when you ask for specifics, imagine how many of them we have to explain considering that we have heard about this scandal here in this House. This will be one of the first specifics. I am looking at Minister Mariusz Kamiński. Never did I imagine that I would be thanking Minister Kamiński in the exposé. We are investigating this matter very carefully, Minister. I did not expect that we would witness a conflict at the top of government. That at the last minute a minister of the government, of the "non-government" — I do not know what to call this two-week experiment by Mr Morawiecki — would decide against the unequivocal opinion of the Internal Security Agency on a matter that concerns the future of Polish energy, the energy security in our relations with allies. Perhaps it is corruption on a large scale. This is just one example, though how acute, which shows that apart from the 100 proposals and the programmes of the other three coalition parties in the “15 October Coalition”, a very concrete clean-up will be required. This is not a pleasant duty at all, but we will not proceed without it. Without cleaning up this Augean stable left behind by those with no respect for procedures, no respect for the law and no respect for good manners. Do you know how this government will differ from the previous one? We listened to Mr Mateusz Morawiecki's speech yesterday. He was delivering his exposé. Neither of you believed a single sentence he uttered. None of you believed that this was the exposé of the future government. And I would like you to recall how this side of the room behaved during that performance. We listened to this exposé, to these words, which were, after all, devoid of de facto meaning and content. We listened to these words with respect and reverence, and I expect you to do the same. This is an opportunity for all of us to follow this example. This also applies to the philosophy of the new government. We will differ, but we will show respect. We will respect you even when you do everything so that we cannot respect you. We will be very patient in this regard.

When I speak of the 100 proposals, you know that this is not only a reason for the great satisfaction of the “15 October Coalition”. I am talking about the 100 proposals of the Civic Coalition, but as you know, the coalition agreement provides for a synthesis of the programmes of the coalition parties. We had set to work while you had spent two months doing what you are ashamed of today, what the whole of Poland watched in disbelief, that it was possible to fleece your own country in such a way in the last days of the government. We have already prepared these projects for implementation, as well as other projects in the coalition agreement. We do not yet have a government, but we already have in vitro.

I am looking at you here and I also cannot understand, I cannot believe that you could completely fail to act as state services, as state, during the protest on the Polish-Ukrainian border. You left it completely without... Listen, after all, this is the essence of state action. Controlling the border and securing the interests of your own entrepreneurs, and you did not look after the interests of Polish entrepreneurs and drivers, and you also failed to guard the border with Ukraine during a war. This is such a symbolic moment, so I want to tell you that the future ministers of this government and I spent hours, half the night, looking for ways to solve the problem on the Polish-Ukrainian border as soon as possible — not within the framework of the 100 proposals, or the "15 October Coalition" agreement but out of common decency. We have looked for and found ways to accommodate the needs of Polish drivers as quickly as possible and, at the same time, to immediately unblock the border of struggling Ukraine, which is awaiting transports via that blocked highway. We have not been waiting idly for today’s vote.

I have spoken at great length to all the candidates, the ministerial candidates, on how to implement such projects and they will be implemented immediately. Like deferred PIT. Wind turbines will also be an alternative energy source in Poland. At last.

We have not waited until this vote to draw up the future state budget and secure funding. You know, in recent days, you have started to make decisions involving billions of zlotys with great ease, but you have not thought at all about how to secure the funding for that. Well, I have some good information. The “15 October Coalition” already has blueprints and an action plan in place to immediately introduce such proposals, like deferred PIT, which means that businesses will only pay income tax when they receive invoice payment and not the invoice itself. They have been waiting for this for years. Also, this holiday they have been dreaming of. And I'm talking about micro-entrepreneurs, I'm talking about hundreds of thousands of people toiling like oxen for meagre pay. Safeguarding a family, a small business of their own, so that it survives in these difficult times. This is also a question of dignity. It's not just a financial issue, this holiday for entrepreneurs. It's a waiver of contributions when their small business is not active because they also have the right to rest. Further, we will immediately reduce the time for checks on micro-entrepreneurs. You know full well that these times are back, if you are dealing with people who work hard on their own, you know full well how hard it is for them to survive in these clutches of unjustified, endless and proliferating controls without moderation.

You ask for specifics. They have been written down; they are known. After all, I do not need to read the 100 proposals or other government programme items from other political parties. The whole of Poland knows these proposals. Poland will hold us to account for this. I am not afraid of that. On behalf of the entire future government, I can tell you, we are not afraid of any of these promises. They will be fulfilled. We said, as you remember, that the outgoing government had been scaring Poles, claiming that the new authorities would come and take everything away. Yet, that was the first action of the government, before the vote, and so of the ministerial candidates. We also sat for hours to make this promise a guarantee — nothing that has been given, nothing that Poles are entitled to, will be taken away. But that is not enough.

Teachers’ salaries will increase by 30%. And this increase will take place starting from 1 January. Just as we promised. Salaries for the entire public sector will increase by 20%. As we promised. As we promised, we will immediately introduce the second annual valorisation of pensions when inflation is above 5%. You mocked the “granny allowance”, well, there will be a “granny allowance” this year under the Active Mum programme. We will pay PLN 1,500 a month to every mum, every family and all parents who need this help to look after their little one. I am merely listing examples of things that will start immediately, that have already started.

Although you blocked the new government’s formation for as long as you could, we did not wait idly even for a moment. And why do I use these examples? Because we will pursue a responsible fiscal policy and ensure the financial stability of the state. Do you know what? It is my experience that speaks through me, but also the experience of eight years of Law and Justice governments. Here, I am counting on the commitment and help of everyone in this House, without exception, so that we find — and this is not some great magic but it does require mutual understanding — so that we find and use methods to help people where it is needed. We will support everyone, every Pole, those who want to work, or those who cannot and need help. At the same time, we will keep an eye on responsible financial policy. This is why we will be establishing a Fiscal Council — neutral people who will give their opinion on spending in such a way that our social policy, generous insofar as possible, will not in any way threaten the state’s financial stability. Poland will become a model state in the whole of the European Union, reconciling one need with the other — the welfare of citizens and certainty, the stability of the state.

You will be asking a great many questions today. I will answer each one of them. Anyone who remembers my previous terms as Prime Minister should remember that I answered every question here in this House. And you will receive an answer to every question about the programme of the "15 October Coalition", the programmes of the various parties, the pace and the time in which we will be able to do this. Do not worry about that. I am very concerned about the conduct of some colleagues here and the way they behave in this House. But I am glad that you have read the 100 proposals so thoroughly. It is also heartwarming that you are looking at this white and red heart because the Polish heart is white and red. This symbol has great meaning for us and signifies the genuine empathy of this government towards all those who will need it.

Mr Speaker, I am aware, as you are, that soon there will be various difficult situations at our borders, perhaps in some countries, on which our security will also depend. I want to emphasise very strongly that we must prepare ourselves as much as possible, as much as we can, so that we can take care of our security, including our military security, ourselves. I will begin listing the people who will be part of our government from Mr Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, First Deputy Prime Minister.

As you know, Mr Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz will not only be First Deputy Prime Minister, but also Minister of Defence. We are very keen to have a full-fledged politician, young but extremely experienced, at the head of this ministry. And I hope that you also appreciate the extremely positive role of Mr Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz and his party in the breakthrough of 15 October. I would like to thank you very much for such an extraordinary experience of mutual loyalty and human solidarity. By the way, allow me to point to you as an example of what we all attach great importance to in our coalition. We will not quarrel. For four years, we will stand in solidarity with each other with mutual respect — and I can probably also say today about all the leaders of the “15 October Coalition” parties, with sympathy, perhaps even friendship, and conviction that together we can do more. And you will see that this coalition, made up of four parties, also includes various other circles, because, after all, the Civic Coalition itself is made up of several circles with their own ideas and ambitions. Because this coalition respects the common foundations of which I spoke and we will, together with Party President Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, with Włodzimierz Czarzasty and, of course, with Speaker Hołownia, ensure that it works together harmoniously, in solidarity. The hopes that this term of office would be shorter, as voiced in the lobby, are misplaced.

We have seen the kind of government in which vested interests and personal ambitions have prevented serious issues from being addressed. For months and years, you focused mainly on yourselves. And I want to say that our coalition — so diverse but at the same time proving that a political community is possible despite different views —will set an example of exceptional solidarity, loyalty and responsibility. You will see this in four years. You will admit that I was right.

Civilian oversight of the Polish army is something crucial today. It means, above all, the consistent arming of the Polish army, with respect for all the commitments and contracts concluded by our predecessors. Of course, excluding any cases where it turns out that such actions were corrupt. I hope that the matter revealed by Mr Kamiński is not something very common and does not concern the issue of arms contracts. This is my hope and therefore with conviction, on behalf also of Mr Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, we can say that the Polish army will be well armed, including with the help of our allies.

The second Deputy Prime Minister in our government will be Mr Krzysztof Gawkowski, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister responsible for digital affairs. I do not need to convince anyone of what a challenge digitisation is today, what this umbrella term means for our security, for Poland's position in the world, the development of cutting-edge technologies, and what security in this sphere — cyber security — actually means. You can see for yourselves today, if only during the Russian-Ukrainian war, how important these state-of-the-art technologies are today, including on the battlefield. So both Deputy Prime Ministers will largely share the responsibility for ensuring that our army and our security, in the broadest sense, are built on modern, innovative and very stable foundations.

Mr Radosław Sikorski requires no introduction. I will not be presenting his resume, because this would likely embarrass some heroes active on the last day of the revolution. We know those. Together with Radosław Sikorski, we will take care, as I have already mentioned, of Poland's position on the international stage and of working effectively for Ukraine in its war with Russia. I would also like to say that we are already preparing visits that are set to bring very concrete conclusions. After Brussels — and I want to reassure you — because I know that there has been much anxiety and fear, and this also concerns our programme and my 100 proposals presented during the campaign — yes, I will bring back from Brussels those billions of euros, much coveted and long-awaited by Polish entrepreneurs and Polish local governments. I do not know if you remember, but Władysław Bartoszewski once said that it is worth being decent, although it does not always pay off. While it may pay off to be indecent, it is not worth it. I want to tell you that I will come back from Brussels with this money, and you know what I will say to the Polish people? That it has been possible to be decent in the first few days of our government and that it has paid off for all of us.

After returning from Brussels, I will go to Tallinn the next day to meet the Prime Ministers of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. The topics are obvious — war and border security. We will bolster our cooperation with countries that share our views on this issue, not only with our neighbours in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, but of course also with Finland and Sweden and, from outside the Union, with Norway. That is, in this northeastern area, where the pressure of illegal immigration organised by Putin and Lukashenko is particularly acute. We will want to play an extremely intensive role as a leader in the modern defence and protection of the Polish border together with our friends from the capitals I have mentioned.

In this regard, a major task awaits the next ministerial candidate, Mr Marcin Kierwiński. He will hold the office of Minister of the Interior and Administration. We have also been working hard for the last few days on ways to secure the situation on the Polish-Ukrainian border in connection with the protest and blockade. And you will see that we will quickly find a good solution to this stalemate. Good for everyone, for our drivers, for the Polish state and Ukraine.

The Minister of Justice will be Professor Adam Bodnar, today a senator. I believe I do not have to explain to anyone how important this ministry will be. What an enormous effort lies ahead for all of us and Minister Bodnar, because we have to rebuild something that has been ruined, that is, the rule of law with all its institutional aspects. Already, we have spent many, many hours discussing with Mr Adam Bodnar how to quickly and decisively restore the rule of law in Poland. I want to say — I have heard these words and I want to repeat them here before you — we are going to seek justice, we are going to enforce justice against all those who have violated Polish law, the constitution, and those who have stolen. I have heard a buzz, cries, also here in the Sejm, that the "15 October Coalition" is seeking revenge, retaliation. Listen, can you imagine a situation where a court convicts a thief and he says “Come again? Why am I convicted? This is retaliation, revenge!”? One of the reasons why Professor Adam Bodnar will be taking over as Minister of Justice is that we are going to look — in accordance with the law and the constitution — for ways of acting that will very quickly show that corruption, abuse of power and destruction of Polish institutions will not go unpunished. Do you know why? And this is one of the proposals that was seemingly impossible due to the legal situation. I am talking about an independent prosecutor's office. I offered Professor Adam Bodnar the office of Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General because he does not belong to any party and is thus independent by nature. You abolished the independent prosecutor's office and we are restoring it, even though you made it impossible by law. Professor Adam Bodnar will be the guarantor that the Public Prosecutor’s Office, though managed by a minister due to your law, will indeed be independent — including of the parties ruling the country today. But we have agreed that it will also act swiftly and, where appropriate and justified, decisively.

Mr Andrzej Domański will be in charge of state finances. He is one of the key authors of the 100 proposals. He has also worked on the programme of the entire “15 October Coalition”, and he will personally guarantee that all that is contained in it, all that we have presented to Poles and the Polish people, will have solid financial security and that, at the same time, the Polish state will not be exposed to financial turbulence. We will be certain to effectively secure the financial needs of the state — without seeking savings in Poles’ pockets, without doing anything at the expense of Polish families. And rest assured — we will also follow the principles of elementary responsibility and financial common sense. Mr Andrzej Domański is a guarantee of this.

Ms Agnieszka Burzyńska will be responsible for civil society in the broadest sense. Working alongside President Paweł Adamowicz In Gdańsk, she was responsible for volunteering, for all those people of good will who sought organisational support and non-governmental organisations. This is one of the most important and concrete points of the government programme — no longer a proposal — that is, the rebuilding of this healthy, friendly relationship between the central government and non-governmental organisations. Civil society is returning with us, with the “15 October Coalition”, to our public life. I am very proud of this — and this is why these issues will be dealt with by the Minister, Member of the Council of Ministers. I am very keen that the status of NGOs and volunteering should be as high as possible.

Here I must also mention the return to self-governing Poland. They destroyed local self-governments in various ways — through centralisation, through money handouts. I have a file containing reports from hundreds of Polish municipalities, dozens of districts and many voivodeships about how unfair, partisan and biased you were in the disposal of funds, among other things. How you have done everything, fortunately almost everything, to rebuild the model of centralised power. You wanted to consign to the dustbin of history the idea of true self-government, where people decide autonomously where they live and where the central government is there to help, to make things easier, and not to impose its own will. Thank goodness, the current government coalition will share responsibility, resources, decisions and power with local governments at every level.

Mr Borys Budka will be in charge of state assets. Though it is sad, I believe that no explanation is required as to why our work in terms of state-owned companies has to be started by a politician who was the Minister of Justice. I will not explain this in detail, because I do not want to dishearten you. Minister Borys Budka has already set to work — I have read excerpts of an extensive report based on which we will carry out a rapid audit and present a picture of what was happening in state-owned companies. Unfortunately, under your rule state assets — indeed, those beautiful two words: “State Treasury” —  have become a symbol of nepotism, of party handouts. One of Minister Borys Budka's first tasks will be to restore elementary decency to the management and coordination of state assets.

We promised that a Polish Ministry of Industry would be established in Silesia. I am convinced, and I will repeat this before this House, that Silesia — not only it, but it, too — can once again become an industrial heartland, not just a Polish but a European one: a modern heartland, unencumbered by its bad past. Professor Marzena Czarnecka, a prominent specialist in such things as energy issues, a woman from Silesia. She will be responsible for establishing this ministry as soon as possible. This ministry will coordinate actions for Silesia, including the efficient use of funding as part of a just transition. Silesia, but also Konin and the surrounding area. Many places in Poland, but especially Silesia, are waiting for money, for a decision, for this modern vision. And Professor Marzena Czarnecka, among others, will be responsible for these projects.

Ms Agnieszka Dziemianowicz-Bąk — if the House so decides — will be appointed Minister of Family, Labour and Social Policy. During our meeting — because we have been working with the Minister for many hours — she asked for a symbolic change, but one that will have practical consequences: to bring back the word “Labour” in the Ministry’s name. And she said the following, which is very close to my heart and to the entire “15 October Coalition”: working people — Polish women and men — must have evidence that the state respects their efforts, that people who work hard know that it makes sense, that it is a matter of and a chance for prosperity, a financial matter, yes, but also one of dignity. And I thank Agnieszka Dziemianowicz-Bąk very much for this aspect of the Ministry's work — symbolic for now but practical starting from tomorrow.

I am not going to discuss today the things we have talked about for months and weeks, and what has already been discussed in this House after the elections. That is, all those social issues at the boundaries of several ministries, concerning women's rights, concerning the issue of abortion. We are well aware, and we make no secret of it, that many issues will still be debated. We will talk honestly about it and how to restore it. And Minister Dziemianowicz-Bąk, much like other ministers I will talk about in a moment, will work together so that, regardless of what will be possible under the law — we know well what political realities we live in, we already have an initial programme so that every Polish woman will immediately feel a fundamental difference, including in the approach to motherhood, pregnant women and future mothers, as well as the painful problem in today’s Poland that is the right to legal and safe abortion in cases where it is needed. I would like to tell you that irrespective of the political disputes which are bound to occur in this House on these issues, we will, from the very first day, begin specific, precise action: whether concerning the public prosecutor's office, hospitals or actions that will make women immediately feel a radical improvement in terms of their rights, dignity, health and safety. All Polish women, regardless of their views on these matters, will feel an improvement — all of them.

Mr Jan Grabiec will head the work of the Chancellery. Being one of my closest associates, he will ensure that our activities are efficiently coordinated and that we never again have to be ashamed of legislative sloppiness or poor document circulation.

Well, yes, we have had much to be ashamed of over the last few years, considering how the state administration worked under the Law and Justice government, and it will be Minister Grabiec's role to rectify this as well.

I will now introduce a favourite of yours, Minister Paulina Hennig-Kloska, who will be leading the Ministry of Climate and Environment. She has already passed a very serious test, so you can expect — and you have already tested this in battle — that she is a very brave, resilient and competent woman. All those who are waiting in Poland today for renewable energy sources, wind turbines and environmental protection. I do not think I need to convince anyone, because I've already used the term Augean stable, but I believe we are almost literally [dealing with] something like that in the case of environmental protection. Poland will not be the garbage dump of Europe. There will be no more of these disgraceful images, these constantly burning landfills, whether legal or illegal. This is about that dire image, the tragic image of the poisoned Oder River. That dramatic image of the forests that were disappearing before our eyes, whole woods cleared and sold to China. This is over; this partisan privatisation of the State Forests is over. Though you scared the Poles with the privatisation of the State Forests, the whole of Poland saw what you had done. This is one of our greatest assets. This is not about some ideological construct. Listen, this is our sacred good after all. You know very well that future wars will be fought over access to water, among other things. There is perhaps no more valuable resource today, a strategic resource, than clean water. We are talking here both about retention and about the problem of polluted Polish rivers. Forests and the natural environment — these are things we want to be proud of. Again, I want Polish families, Polish men and women, to see what a real forest looks like. A forest is not about timber management; a forest is our sacred national resource and we will once again ensure its protection, as it deserves. And we will have the opportunity to work with all those foresters, Nature Conservation Wardens; those who have worked in the National Parks, that's a whole lot of people who love forests, who understand wise forest management. No longer will a Polish entrepreneur buy timber from Germany, Austria or Sweden because Polish timber is, for some unknown reason, going wholesale to China, and you will see that it is possible. Polish entrepreneurs will see that it is possible to protect forests and, at the same time, have Polish timber available on the market at lower prices than Swedish timber. I do not know how you have managed that, because it is a miracle on earth, but you have felled the most trees ever and Polish timber is the most expensive ever. How is that possible? You have not only eviscerated Polish forests, you have almost butchered the pride of Polish industry, which was the Polish timber industry. I am very pleased that we will be working with Ms Paulina Henning-Kloska on this, too.

Ministry of Development and Technology — Mr Krzysztof Hetman. We have known each other for many years, and I find it extremely important that he can combine not only the competencies inherent in this ministry — it used to be, to some extent, the Ministry of Economy —  but also that he is a politician who understands the significance of European funds and knows, like hardly anyone in Poland and Europe, how to work on reasonable, most effective acquisition and disbursement of European funds for the benefit of the Polish economy. We have already had the opportunity to talk about what we need to do in the first days, also in terms of promoting Polish exports, how to rebuild professional services which — unlike that multimillion-zloty game you have set up in Brussels — would promote Polish production all over the world. Krzysztof, I am very glad that we will be able to share our competencies in this.

Mr Dariusz Klimczak — office of the Minister of Infrastructure. Our team, which we have set up on an ad hoc basis to solve the crisis at the border crossings with Ukraine, has already been working for many days. We have also discussed the future of the CPK airport. I want to tell you that no investment project in Poland will bring tragedy and despair to Polish families. I have been to the areas in question and I want to reassure all those who have felt terrorised in recent months. I do not know why you are smiling, go visit these people. I have, and they were crying. I do not understand your smiles. Do you know how these people feel today? Those who have been hearing for many, many months that they may be expropriated, and if they do not like it, expropriated forcefully; that the Police are coming for shows of force. There are dozens, hundreds of such stories of people from different places across the country. I visited hundreds of towns and cities over these two years; almost everywhere I went in Poland I met people with tears in their eyes saying: “they want to expropriate us, they do not say when, they do not say for how much, they do not say what for”. So this is going to stop altogether. Forget about it. I have said this many times while meeting people: we set up Poland’s biggest construction site — the investment projects when I was Prime Minister were the biggest in the history of Poland and in the history of Europe. Shout all you want. Listen, I sometimes pass your motorcades driving along motorways and expressways — you can drive on those because we managed to build them. And the stadiums, and railway modernisation. Have you heard of even one protest by expropriated people? I have not. I was Prime Minister and I was making decisions on these issues. There were no protests. Everyone was compensated accordingly. I want to tell you that whatever investment decisions we make, Polish people will not cry about them again. The future of the CPK airport will be decided transparently. Minister Klimczak, as well as the government plenipotentiary for the CPK airport, will decide its future openly and clearly before all Poles, without any strange events that have accompanied this project since its early days. Prominent and impartial experts will participate in this process as well. It will be a project that will serve Poland in the most rational way. It will not serve the sick ambitions of some politician who wanted to build himself another monument but will serve Poland and Poles much like the Polish regional airports we were building so intensively, which now allow Polish citizens to fly from their cities to anywhere in the world.

Women's rights and equality. This is something that also requires a minister today, and the minister handling this area will be Ms Katarzyna Kotula. We have talked about this at length. I want to tell you that her energy, empathy, personal experience and life experience tell me that the Minister and I will eliminate this equality deficit together — not only with respect to Polish women; this is about equality, and the equality deficit has affected many, many social groups in Poland. It is no accident that she will be a Constitutional Minister — there is no more important matter for me than women's rights and the equality of citizens before the law, the equality of citizens irrespective of their social status, religion, sexual orientation, and so on.

Ms Izabela Leszczyna will hold the office of Minister for Health. My experience, and that of others, tells me that the key issue in effective health care is, of course, wise and decisive management of public finances. Many of you thought that Izabela Leszczyna, the future Minister, would be in charge of finances, but as you know, finances, public money, which is involved and will be involved even more in health care, is like a budget of a medium-sized European state. It requires extraordinary competencies, but also empathy and understanding. No one is better suited to this role, which is, after all, difficult — some have even deemed it dreadful. But let me tell you this: when Izabela Leszczyna said yes: “I will shoulder this weight”, I knew straight away that this was not a doomsday mission and that, thanks to Ms Leszczyna, we would get through it. People in Poland will see that it is possible to make really wise, effective use of these enormous financial resources, which should serve health care and all patients effectively.

Ms Barbara Nowacka will take over as Minister of Education. Indeed, this is contained in the programme of the government coalition and the 100 proposals — I will not bore you with reading out all the projects that will be implemented from day one by Minister Nowacka. Frankly, it is probably enough to close your eyes for a moment and consider the following: Minister Czarnek — Minister Nowacka. I believe I have made my point.

Here, a pleasant surprise for this part of the House — Mr Sławomir Nitras will be Minister of Sport. He, too, has a difficult task ahead of him. We have heard about an ambitious plan to promote the idea of the Olympic Games in Poland. A very ambitious idea, I must say — very forward-looking. We are not going to whine about it, are we? We are going to realistically and intensively assess our chances and possibilities — who knows, we may well live to see it come true, not during your term of office and certainly not during mine, but these dreams may also come true.

Yet, Nitras, the future minister, has one obvious task ahead of him — a revitalisation of one leading sport. You have somewhat squandered this excellent Orliki system. Minister Sławomir Nitras and his team will rebuild all that has been wasted. You will see — our children, girls and boys from primary and secondary schools, will once again participate in football tournaments, in other sports competitions, by the tens of thousands. Yet again, in every Polish municipality, the pitch lights will turn on in the evening and stay on late into the evening hours so our kids can play sports. That is one big challenge, Minister.

Ms Marzena Okła-Drewnowicz will be responsible for senior policy. We will build a system in Poland — I am sure of this after studying some materials together, also in recent days — we will build Europe’s most modern and ambitious system of active care for seniors. We are ready to do that. We will work in an interdisciplinary manner with other ministries but, for me, the main guarantee here is what has been done so far in this matter, and I would like to emphasise this, a truly impressive combination of competencies and empathy. I am proud that we are going to work together on this. It will be to everyone's benefit, including the Polish economy. This is a very multifaceted project. Its symbol will be the senior citizen voucher and it is indeed an excellent, modern and extremely well thought-out idea. Our seniors will soon notice a radical improvement in the approach of the Polish state to the elderly.

Ms Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz will be the Minister of Development Funds and Regional Policy. I am very pleased that we will be working together on funds and regional policy. We got to know each other well when we worked together in my government. The Minister has significant competencies and her international experience will also be very useful in managing this office. Mr Speaker, Szymon Hołownia, told me how long a road she has come and how competent she is, including in matters for which she will be responsible in the Ministry of Development Funds and Regional Policy. This will be a very strong element of this new government.

Mr Czesław Siekierski. He needs no introduction. The future Minister of Agriculture. In a way, he is the quintessence of the Polish peasant movement. Though experienced, he is still full of energy. And I am convinced that Polish agriculture will have someone very competent to help it. Minister, you will have Michał Kołodziejczak in your ministry. Thank you for the words of appreciation from our Law and Justice colleagues. You can probably already see this extraordinary synergy in your minds. Indeed, this is a highly promising duo. And it is certain that Polish farmers, residents of the Polish countryside, but above all the former, will see what it means to fight hard, competently and decisively for their interests. This is no accident. Michał Kołodziejczak was the first to raise the cry when, due to your ineptitude, Polish farmers froze out of fear when an uncontrolled wave of products from Ukraine started pouring in. And there is no point in blaming the Ukrainians for this because it is you who are responsible. Had Siekierski and Kolodziejczak been there, none of these strange, indeed sometimes very suspicious, situations at our border would have taken place. And the golden harvest for some who have made a fortune under your protectorate — that golden harvest is about to end.

Mr Tomasz Siemoniak, my close associate, former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence in my previous government, will coordinate the special services in Poland. As I look here at the people who have been in charge of the Polish special services in recent years, I can say that I am very happy that I will be working with a responsible, rational, serious, competent and patriotic man. That is, in a word, normal. I am very happy that we will be working together again in one government. We are well aware of how much work you have ahead of you. It is no coincidence that President Andrzej Duda and I agreed that tomorrow's swearing-in ceremony would be held early, not least so that, before I leave for Brussels, I will have time to visit our new places of work with my ministers and also to discuss with the Secret Service College the decisions we will be taking immediately. The nature of these matters requires discretion. But expect decisions that are massive, swift and unequivocal.

Minister Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz. He will be heading the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage. Do you know what? To be honest, I should not have to explain why Henryk Sienkiewicz's great-grandson will be in charge of national heritage, but after all, it is not this colligation that determines the fact Minister Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz will be in charge. Unfortunately, this is how we all in Poland perceive what has been happening, especially in recent times, with the public money that was supposed to support Polish culture while were actually dealing with the Ministry of Anti-culture. I am confident in Mr Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz — not only because he is an author of books and a man of culture, but he also has experience when it comes to the toughest decisions. And you know very well that he is the best option for sorting out the situation in, among other things, the public media that you have destroyed — he will be responsible for restoring these media to the Poles. It will very soon become clear that having public media that serve the Polish people is not some mirage, it is not an impossibility.

Just as you will see that the judiciary can be neutral, non-partisan and in service of Poland and not the ruling party, so, too, you will see — and probably will not believe your eyes — that public television can serve Poland and not the ruling party. And so it shall.

I will be assisted in matters of European policy by Mr Adam Szłapka, Minister for European Affairs. He is the leader of the Modern party and — this will come as no surprise — a truly modern man. Today, we need a modern Poland, a Poland that will impress the whole of Europe with its modernity. And Mr Adam Szłapka has taken on the task, by no means an easy one, of working with me on European affairs. But no, I am not going to make excuses, Minister, our duo will work hard to pursue our interests in the European Union.

Mr Maciej Berek, responsible for the entire legislative process, will also be a member of the Council of Ministers. Though still young, he is extremely experienced. I had the opportunity and honour to work with Berek, a minister at the time. I must say that he is one of Poland’s most outstanding specialists when it comes to the purity and transparency of the legislative process. I can promise you that the legislative initiatives of the Polish government from the day we take office will be transparent, painfully logical and rational processes, thanks also to the experience and competence of Minister Maciej Berek.

I am aware that this exposé is unusual. It is just as atypical as the situation we have found ourselves in. As you know, this is the first time in the history of the Polish Parliament that the Sejm will be nominating a Prime Minister candidate. I believe that tomorrow, thanks to the decision of this House, I will have the honour of taking the oath before the President.

I do not know what happened. Oh, but I do. A slip-up, of course. Minister Dariusz Wieczorek. Minister, this minor slip-up of mine will make this presentation more memorable for everyone in this room, so please consider it an inadvertent privilege. He will take over as Minister of Science and Higher Education. As you know, this was expected. I thought about it for a long time, because it was not my intention to create new ministries, but the signal was absolutely clear in this case. It came from both the education and the academic communities who argued that these two areas are mismatched in daily government practice. That is why we have decided to reinstate the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. It will be headed by Mr Dariusz Wieczorek. I know that he has chosen excellent colleagues. I am convinced we will witness much more than a rapid re-establishment of this ministry. Coming back to the specifics, one of the first decisions will, of course, be a pay raise for university teachers. They have been waiting a long time for that. We are also ready to increase teachers’ salaries as well.

This is such a nice day when I can say — we were talking about a 30% pay raise for teachers and some may have thought that kindergarten teachers, excuse the colloquialism, would not be getting it. Yet, this increase also applies to Polish kindergartens and, somewhat on the other side of the age spectrum, to university teachers, too. Minister, MP for the time being, I am sure you will keep an eye on this as well.

This unusual exposé is due to an extraordinary, unprecedented situation. I would like to thank the House once again for yesterday's choice. The Constitution does not provide for an exposé by a Prime Minister elected in this second step; I was very keen on keeping the pace. You know why. You know how important days and hours are. We will probably be seeing President Zelensky in Brussels. Ukraine is counting the hours and days today as it waits for more support. Poland is waiting for billions [in] European funds. Poland is also waiting for those quick signals about cooperation with other countries bordering Russia. My ambition is to lead — on behalf of Poland — a European policy to protect the border, the borders surrounding Europe, so that this threat of illegal migration is not as acute as it is now.

I would like to end this unusual exposé with something that is also unusual in our history. And this is the final touch. Something extraordinary has happened — you may have read it yesterday, this humble Polish Press Agency memo. It is a several-sentence-long report on a recent survey by CBOS, a government-run social research agency, so in a sense, one still managed by the outgoing government. Yesterday, CBOS published a research report from a few days ago. The largest number of Poles in the thirty-year history of the CBOS survey, since its launch in 1992 to be precise, now believe that ordinary people can influence national affairs. Now, after the elections of 15 October, this belief is held by 54% of citizens whereas in the previous survey of February 2020 (please recall who was in power at the time) it was 26%.

The “15 October Movement” was born two years ago. Yes, two years ago. Two years were enough for 15 October to happen. That number of citizens, as surveyed by your agency, increased from 26% to 54% — citizens who feel they have a say in their homeland’s destiny. Do you understand? Twice as many. Twice as many in such a short time.

Let me read the CBOS report further. Currently, 41% of Poles declare a lack of influence on national affairs; previously, in 2022, it was 71%. The [CBOS] agency comments it as follows: The recent elections not only attracted a record number of voters to the polls but also strengthened — or rather reconstituted — in Poles the sense of civic subjectivity, i.e. the belief in the power of a single vote and the possibility of influencing political reality through elections. The change in Poles' opinions is revolutionary, because until now, since the beginning of this survey in 1992, the prevailing belief among Poles — to a greater or lesser extent — was that ordinary citizens do not have any real influence on national politics. After 15 October, the majority of Poles did not regain the belief that they have a real influence on the fate of our Homeland — they gained it for the first time.

Dear all, let us not squander this. This is a great commitment for us. Though not an exposé, I will be giving (heartfelt) reports such as this to the Polish people every month. You know that one of the elements of this revival, of Poles’ belief in our agency, was these meetings. 4 June — half a million [people]. 1 October — a million people in the streets of Warsaw. Thousands upon thousands of people at meetings in which I had the privilege, the honour, to participate. This is also a commitment.

I would like to make a commitment that every month, somewhere in Poland, in an open and public manner, whether before 10,000 or 5 people, I will find the time to confess on behalf of my government what we have done, what has succeeded and where there is trouble — honestly and truthfully; we will give such an exposé to the Polish people every month. We cannot, we have no right to let this great revival go to waste. 15 October saw a great Polish revival. It is time for a happy Poland.